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Andy, I am curious what you are actually disagreeing with in David's
comments, or in Vygotsky's analysis of tools and signs. In Vol 4 p
60-63 Vygotsky discusses both "points of contiguity" between the use
of tools and signs, as well as "points of divergence." Except for
leaving out the aspect of mastering nature along with mastering self
and culture, as far as I can tell, Vygotsky would not disagree with
your general point about artifacts - as far as it goes. Vygotsky
touches on the psychological connections between the two kinds of
activity, which, taken together, form what he labeled the higher
mental functions, or higher behavior. However, and this is the point
I see David elaborating, and which I am curious what you object to,
according to Vygotsky, the use of tools and signs fulfill
significantly different **functions** in human activity and
development. To mention another thought-provoking statement in these
passages, which I noticed the other day when rereading some of this
material, while the use of tools and signs are both significant forms
of mediational activity, Vygotsky points out that they do not exhaust
"the *whole* range of the concept of mediating activities, since the
activity of the mind is not exhausted by the use of tools and signs."
p 62. Anyway, my question is, if we do not differentiate tools and
signs as mediating devices with fundamentally different functions, and
instead permit ourselves to "dissolve" them into "the general concept
of artifacts or artificial devices" p 61, which LSV criticizes Dewey
and others for doing, aren't we going to miss out on some key aspects
of Vygotsky's emphasis on the specific role of signs and signification
in human psychology?
- Steve
On Mar 10, 2011, at 11:24 PM, Andy Blunden wrote:
Personally, David, I think Vygotsky was mistaken in making this
dichotomous division between tools and signs. If instead, we take
tool and sign to be archetypes of artefact, and understand that all
artefacts are directed both towards mastery of the self and mastery
of the culture, just two properties of any artefact, manifested when
an artefact is mediated between a person and the existant culture,
then I think it makes more sense.
Andy
David Kellogg wrote:
In "Tool and Sign in the Development of the Child" that sign
development is not at all the same as tool development because in
the latter instance the object of mastery is the environment and in
the former it is the self. I think that ontogenesis is only a
special case of a much larger regularity: In tool development, the
form of the tool follows the function of the tool quite closely.
This is to a MUCH lesser extent true in the development of signs.
In some ways, it's just the opposite: for example, functional words
(articles, prepositions, modal verbs) change much more slowly than
those associated with style (e.g. slang expressions, politeness forms)
There's a very interesting article on the evolution of Polynesian by
Deborah S. Rogers and Paul R. Ehrlich (yes, the Population Bomb
fellow) in an old PNAS which uses a comparison of rates of change in
functional modifications and stylistic modifications in Polynesian
canoes. Rogers and Ehrlich argue that words that are related to to
the "environment" change very slowly, while functors change much
more quickly.
http://www.pnas.org/content/105/9/3416.full.pdf+html
Doesn't this ENTIRELY depend on whether we are talking about a
material or a social environment?
David Kellogg
Seoul National University of Education
In "Tool and Sign in the Development of the Child" that sign
development is not at all the same as tool development because in
the latter instance the object of mastery is the environment and in
the former it is the self. I think that ontogenesis is only a
special case of a much larger regularity: In tool development, the
form of the tool follows the function of the tool quite closely.
This is to a MUCH lesser extent true in the development of signs.
In some ways, it's just the opposite: for example, functional words
(articles, prepositions, modal verbs) change much more slowly than
those associated with style (e.g. slang expressions, politeness forms)
There's a very interesting article on the evolution of Polynesian by
Deborah S. Rogers and Paul R. Ehrlich (yes, the Population Bomb
fellow) in an old PNAS which uses a comparison of rates of change in
functional modifications and stylistic modifications in Polynesian
canoes. Rogers and Ehrlich argue that words that are related to to
the "environment" change very slowly, while functors change much
more quickly.
http://www.pnas.org/content/105/9/3416.full.pdf+html
http://www.pnas.org/content/105/9/3416.full.pdf+html
Doesn't this ENTIRELY depend on whether we are talking about a
material or a social environment?
David Kellogg Seoul National University of Education
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--
------------------------------------------------------------------------
*Andy Blunden*
Joint Editor MCA:
http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~db=all~content=g932564744
Home Page: http://home.mira.net/~andy/
Book: http://www.brill.nl/default.aspx?partid=227&pid=34857
MIA: http://www.marxists.org
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